II. The Legacy of Carl Peter Thunberg Examined: Analyses of Unique Sources of Information on the Japanese Edo-Period Urushi Craft

Introduction

Carl Peter Thunberg was, and still is, regarded as a renowned explorer, scholar, and collector of Japanese artefacts, specifically objects of commercial or scientific value.¹ His cargo (lacquerware and much other material) was sent from Japan before he embarked for Europe or arrived with him on his return in 1779. However, some deliveries forwarded before his return never reached their intended destination. Supposedly, Thunberg did not receive additional shipments after his return home. Thus, all the lacquerware, which is assumed to be authentic, was obtained (but perhaps not made) between his arrival in Japan on 13 August 1775 and his departure on 3 December 1776—as gifts, purchases, or items of mutual exchange, including a handful of everyday commodities and rare artefacts ranging from modest objects to antiquities.

The lacquerware provides a narrow yet intriguing window into the nature of the urushi craft. Indirectly, the collection also provides insights into his circumstances as a traveller. In those days, travelling was challenging. When Thunberg set out for Asia, it was uncertain whether he would arrive safely or, if he did so, whether he could return. Moreover, when Thunberg embarked on his return, the individual cargo allowance onboard was limited in volume and character (coins and maps were not permitted for export), further highlighting the importance of the small collection that has survived until today. A Dutch East India Company (Vereenigde Oost—Indische Companie: V.O.C.) vessel arrived in Nagasaki only twice annually, so export and import were minimal.

Urushi (漆) refers to anacard sap harvested in Japan from the Toxicodendron vernicifluum tree, Japan’s most abundant lacquer tree (urushi no ki 漆の木) and to its products, a highly prized material, refined for over seven thousand years.² However, in the eighteenth century, the word was unknown in Swedish. With a broader definition, the word lacquer (Swedish: lack) sometimes replaces the word urushi in this article. Thunberg also used the terms fernissa (n.: varnish; v.: to apply a glossy coating) and japonerad (coated in the Japanese way).³

The artefacts

Most of the content of Thunberg’s original collection brought to Sweden remained at Uppsala University until his passing. It was only later that parts of the collections were relocated. At present, much is spread across multiple countries, as well as at several scientific and cultural institutions. A collection of tobacco and paper samples, textile fabrics, everyday tools, metal, wood, ceramic artefacts, Japanese costumes, cosmetics, and toothbrushes is scattered between the Museums of World Culture and the Far Eastern Antiquities.⁴ Among Thunberg’s lesser-known collectables is an assemblage of objects with entirely or partly exposed urushi coatings that are the main object of this study (Figs. 1–20).

They encompass twenty-two artefacts, a candle, and a traditional urushi brush (hake) housed in the Museum of Ethnography in Stockholm (Table 1A, specifying object category, material, technique, measure, collection owner, and inventory number). Their provenance can partly be traced from earlier numbers assigned in inventories and catalogues, since a majority are still marked with the capital letters “R.M.,” probably an abbreviation for Riksmuseum (National Museum).⁵ None of the artefacts can be attributed to a specific maker based on signatures or stamps, and their handling after they were transferred from Uppsala University until their present location remains mostly unclear.

Other parts of the historical collection are held in trust elsewhere. The Royal Coin Cabinet at the Swedish History Museum contains Thunberg’s Japanese coins. Nordiska museet holds single objects related to Thunberg’s private life rather than his scholarly activities. Many of his books, prints, medals, five Japanese maps, and numerous letters are in the library at Uppsala University. Other documents are in the National Library of Sweden, Uppsala University archives, and the Swedish National Archives. Other material, including books and letters, are in London, Amsterdam, Leiden, Paris, Berlin, and Saint Petersburg.⁶ His multifaceted collection of natural specimens from the African and Asian continents comprises an extensive collection of Japanese plant species currently housed in the Museum of Evolution in Uppsala, including two lacquer tree specimens (Table 1B).⁷

The documents

Even though Thunberg was not the first Swede or European to visit Japan before or during its seclusion,⁸ he nevertheless played a significant role in bringing Japanese culture to the outside world, specifically Western Europe (Fig. 21).⁹ His travel account, for example, includes detailed observations and descriptions of Japanese life and manners, replete with a deep admiration for local customs, hygienic standards, and courtesy between people.¹⁰ Thunberg also corresponded profusely with numerous elite scholars, politically influential persons, and monarchs worldwide. Many letters are still accessible. Although there are no remnant handwritten notes from his voyage to Japan,¹¹ Thunberg used his now-lost diary entries to publish travel accounts a decade after his return to Sweden. The first edition, printed in four volumes and written in the vernacular, is titled Resa uti Europa, Afrika, Asia förrättad åren 1770–1779 (Travel in Europe, Africa, and Asia during the years 1770–1779), hereafter referred to as Resa.¹² Within this collection, the third volume (published in 1791) was specifically devoted to Japan, while the fourth (published in 1793) details his period in Japan and the return journey. Shortly after the Swedish edition was published, the work was also translated into English, Russian, German, and French.¹³ A century later, an edition in Japanese was published in which only Thunberg’s Japanese visit was covered.¹⁴

Another contemporary publication about similar crafts and their immediate context, associated with Thunberg’s visit to Japan, is an illustrated book on crafts. In five volumes, the Nihon sankai meibutsu zue (Illustrated famous products of the mountains and seas of japan; hereafter referred to as Nihon sankai)) was published twice, in 1754 and 1797, in Osaka.¹⁵ Its creators were Hirase Tessai (active 1748–1768) and Hasegawa Mitsunobu (1721–1755), the latter being its artist and engraver. Among other topics, it contains prints depicting various crafts and crafted products (Fig. 22). The genre of illustrated books on a specific theme was not unusual during the period of interest.¹⁶ It is believed that the target audience was the general-interest reader who, above all, appreciated the illustrations.¹⁷ It cannot be deduced if it was at Thunberg’s request or on his interpreters’ initiative that the publication was obtained. Resa shows evidence that his interpreters offered Thunberg selected books, but Thunberg might also have asked for volumes on specific topics (3:72).

Aim, methods, and theory

This paper aims to present the hitherto unexplored collection of Thunberg’s urushi-related items in order to highlight their technical aspects and cultural-historical significance. The purpose is to identify and document the materials and manufacturing techniques in the Thunberg Japanese lacquerware collection at the Museum of Ethnography, Stockholm. With this information, it becomes possible to compare their composition, characters, and functions to descriptions made by Thunberg in his travel account and other contemporary texts related to his sojourn in Japan, thereby linking their material qualities with historical description: how much he might have understood about the craft; to what extent the collected artefacts reflect his descriptions of the Japanese domestic manufacture and supply; the accuracy of his documentation about materials and techniques; if possible to link individual artefacts with the information in his publications; and to reevaluate the artefacts in light of Thunberg’s own words. For restoration-conservation, it is crucial to analyse the materials, manufacture, and present condition of artefacts held in custody. The context is equally essential for their preservation in a broader sense, and both are this article’s focus.

First, features not apparent to the naked eye, or which took time to comprehend, were analysed with a combination of simple methods: optical examination under laboratory lighting assisted by a stereomicroscope, tactile and careful handling, and digital photography. Based on the outcome of the examination, locations for sampling were selected.¹⁸ The scientific analyses were limited to four artefacts, given the collection’s well-preserved condition, provenance, and age.¹⁹ The choices for sampling were informed by the damages displayed on the four artefacts, which made selection less problematic. Even so, the sample size was kept to a minimum. Table 2 specifies the samples.

Second, Thunberg’s travel account was excerpted for his opinion and experiences of the urushi craft. Thunberg’s Resa is generally an enthusiastic, chronological, and lengthy record of the scholar’s years as an expatriate. It includes several passages that are especially interesting and elucidative for scholarly research on urushi-related topics. For this particular study, the third volume (1791) is of primary interest as it is devoted to Thunberg’s period in Japan, including the journey to the court in Edo. In addition, the fourth volume (1793) and the lecture he delivered upon becoming a member of the Swedish Royal Academy of Sciences (1779)²⁰ contain some relevant information. The quotations below—summarised and translated by the authors from archaic Swedish to present-day English—illustrate Thunberg’s opinions, general observations, notes of usefulness, and reflections on crafts, raw materials, lacquer, and lacquerware. Data on the same topics are scattered in the Swedish edition but summarised here. The English edition includes nearly the same contents, but the turgid and nearly indigestible text of the original manuscript in the vernacular was usually abridged and thematically restructured in the English as well as the German and French editions.²¹ Thus, page references below are inapplicable for the translations.

Besides Resa, the Nihon sankai was similarly scrutinised for information about the urushi craft on topics such as harvesting, processing, and products. Any similarities or lack thereof between the information in Resa and Nihon sankai were noted, with the latter considered as a potential source of information for the former. The Miwo AI recognition dataset was used to decipher the caption of each woodblock print in Nihon Sankai. The application was developed for Edo-period woodblock-printed books, in particular, for the translation of old-style kuzushiji characters. Combined with the authors’ native skills in modern Japanese and experience with pre-modern Japanese books, the content of the explanations accompanying the illustrations was generally clear.²²

One advantage of studying the documents in parallel with analysing the tangible artefacts was that both types of information sources provided essential but different kinds of data, thus enhancing the richness of the outcome as the results of each approach supported the other. Moreover, the artefacts would remain unnecessarily anonymous without the context that Thunberg’s own words provide. In addition, the artefacts support interpretations of the texts and provide a critical appraisal of the textual sources.

Carl Peter Thunberg: botanist, physician, explorer, and anthropologist

A brief biography of Carl Peter Thunberg’s (1743–1828) life and information on other early travellers and scholars who may have influenced Thunberg highlight his circumstances. Born in the small provincial town of Jönköping, Thunberg came from a modest social background. Between 1761 and 1770, he studied botany, zoology, and medicine at Uppsala University. In 1770 he continued his studies in botany in Holland and in 1771 learned the latest surgical methods in Paris. It was also in 1771 that the Dutch botanist Nicolaas Laurens Burman suggested that Thunberg go to Japan—which the then twenty-seven-year-old was eager to do. During Thunberg’s time, Japan was relatively isolated and somewhat of an enigma to Westerners. In Europe the V.O.C. had secured exclusive trading rights with Japan.²³ Enrolled by the company, Thunberg sailed as an extra surgeon. Some members of Amsterdam’s ruling oligarchy²⁴ offered him financial support and a commission to supply his patrons with living Japanese plant specimens for the Botanical Gardens in Leiden and for the Hortus Medicus in Amsterdam.²⁵

After spending several years in Europe and South Africa, Thunberg continued to Japan, visiting “Nangasaki” (present-day Nagasaki 長崎), “Miaco” (Miyako, present-day Kyoto 都), and Edo, also called Jeddo (present-day Tokyo 東都). Aboard the Stavenisse, Thunberg arrived in Japan on 13 August 1775.²⁶ Unlike most other foreign visitors, Thunberg observed Japanese life and culture with great interest, similar to an ethnologist. He paid equal attention to human civilisation, nature, and botany. Thunberg profited from the reciprocal communication of information. He taught medicine, botany, plant taxonomy, and entomology, while the Japanese taught him political matters, business economy, religion, culture, language, and craft making (3:72). In the beginning, though, like other foreigners, Thunberg was confined to the small island of Deshima, connected to Nagasaki by a single, small, gated bridge (Fig. 23). Hence, the plants and all the other collectables were brought to Deshima by locals (3:48). The Japanese interpreters were his primary helpers, collecting the material later brought to Europe. The interpreters themselves or their friends provided Thunberg “oral information”, books, and rarities (3:72). Perhaps Thunberg himself neither systematically nor deliberately gathered some of the material linked to the urushi collection.

Thunberg was eventually allowed to leave Deshima for short excursions to other places, with approval by the local governor (officials under the ruling Tokugawa shogunate), to teach Western medicine to Japanese colleagues.²⁷ He also had the opportunity to develop his collection during an annual trip to Edo, the shogunate’s capital. As well as Thunberg, the delegation included two V.O.C. officials and two hundred Japanese officials, interpreters, servants, retainers, and footmen (3:106). After sailing through the archipelago, between Kokura (a city on northern Kyūshū) and the coastal village of Fiogo on the main island of Honshu, Thunberg and the Dutch were carried in palanquins while following the main feudal road of Tōkaidō between the imperial cities of Miyako and Edo. The delegation’s slow progress allowed for numerous stops along the way. Occasionally, Thunberg met with prefectural authorities and received gifts as a courtesy. On other occasions, he encountered merchants from whom he commissioned specific custom-made items that he picked up during the return journey. Although there was no opportunity to deviate from the planned route, the court trip provided a welcome chance for Thunberg to gather material and view the everyday aspects of Japanese life, including urushi.²⁸ While in Edo, he again relied on assistance to supply him with commodities, as he was forbidden from going outside his residence. He could only walk the streets for the formal visit to the shogun’s palace. In addition to Nagasaki and its vicinity, the towns and villages noted in Resa are potential provenances of Thunberg’s urushi collectables. Fig. 24 shows some places marked on Kaempfer’s map printed in 1725.

Thunberg departed for Europe after a sojourn lasting about sixteen months, including barely one month in Edo, from 27 April to 25 May 1776. He stayed in the Netherlands and England on his return voyage, favouring his patrons and beneficiaries with living plants, seeds, and other specimens ─ but not, as far as is known, with urushi. Back in Sweden, he focused on his academic career, for which his information on Japan was crucial. At the lecture in 1779, he presented the coins he had collected in Japan to the Swedish king.²⁹ His vast collection of plant and insect specimens greatly interested well-educated botanists and entomologists and contributed to Sweden’s already good scientific reputation. Scholars and the general population, as it has been noted, were eager to receive information on Asia, particularly Japan, and the literary genre of the travel account was also in vogue during this period.³⁰

Early visitors to Japan and other influential contemporaries

Several earlier and contemporary written sources complement our knowledge of urushi alongside Thunberg’s own comments and collection. To evaluate the importance and extent of his achievements, it is helpful to identify a few other Europeans who visited Japan around the same time or with whom he had contact. Literature and scholars were part of the academic environment in which Thunberg operated. At least two other Swedes visited Japan well before Thunberg: Fredrik Coyet (1615–1687) in 1648, after a Dutch factory had been established on Deshima in 1641, and Olof Eriksson (1620–1673) in 1652 as a representative of the V.O.C. However, neither contributed much to the Western understanding of East Asia.³¹ The first Western scholar was the German physician Engelbert Kaempfer (1651–1716), who visited Japan in 1691–92. The V.O.C.-employed, German physician and botanist Franz Philip von Siebold (1796–1866), who stayed in Japan from 1823 to 1829, was one of Thunberg’s many correspondents and became his successor (Fig. 25).³² According to von Siebold, Kaempfer made outstanding contributions to modern research on Japan in his monumental Nippon, based on the collecting of all kinds of information and records on cultures and societies.³³ As a botanist, and as far as this study has confirmed, Kaempfer did not reflect on anything related to urushi but instead focused on medicinal plants, and thus was a crucial forebearer of Thunberg.³⁴ Yet, Thunberg might also have been influenced by Kaempfer’s admiration for the well-organised and peaceful Japanese society where, for example, different religions coexisted. In Resa’s third volume, Kaempfer is noted twice (concerning maps and the succession of shoguns since 1692); and therefore it is certain that Thunberg was well aware of his predecessor (3:222, 234).

It may be that a greater influence on Thunberg was botanist Carl Linnaeus (1707–1778), one of the most prominent scientific figures in Swedish history. From letters in the archives, it is clear that Thunberg corresponded with several of Linnaeus’ disciples and that these also may have had an influence on Thunberg´s ideas and achievements. One Linnaean pupil is Pehr af Bjerkén (1731–1774), a physician and appointed city medical officer in Stockholm. He studied the Toxicodendron vernicifluum, one of three Asian lacquer trees.³⁵ In all probability, af Bjerkén was interested in the tree species as a potential drug-producing plant.

Another contemporary scholar assisted, collaborated, and corresponded with Thunberg from Uppsala. In a letter to Lars Montin (1723–1785) from Nagasaki in 1775, Thunberg refers to the delivery of eighty plants, including twelve previously unknown species.³⁶ Montin’s account lists all the plants, including Rhus javanica and R. Vernix (archaic for Toxicodendron vernicifluum). Moreover, these species are listed in the Japanese edition of Flora iaponica (Taisei honzou meiso 泰西本草名疏), translated by scholar Itō Keisuke 伊藤圭介 (1803–1901) and published in 1829 (Fig. 26).³⁷ The documentation, description, and classification of these trees indicate an interest in finding new species that could be cultivated in Europe and supply substances for medicine. While it is unlikely that the mentioning of the lacquer tree in Thunberg’s correspondence is evidence of a historical alternative for surface-finishing and coating-media production, these dated publications and letters indicate the current knowledge of urushi-related material in Europe.

One of Thunberg’s many European contacts was a key figure in Britain in the late eighteenth century: Joseph Banks (1743–1820), a man of enormous influence and the unofficial director of Kew Gardens, London.³⁸ Thunberg also visited Banks on his return trip from Japan to Sweden.³⁹ John James Quin’s (1843–1897) collection at Kew Gardens encompasses detailed notes, tools, substances, and raw materials, ranging from the tapping of sap to the manufacture of urushi ware of many different varieties, together with half-finished sample boards and completed artefacts.⁴⁰ Thunberg’s collection is not precisely comparable, but the assemblage of artefacts, tools, handbooks, and plant specimens, relevant for the historical manufacturing of Japan wax and urushi sap, is still unique in its own right, being a century older (Fig. 27).⁴¹ As far as this study has been able to confirm, and with few exceptions, there are many other great collections of Asian lacquerware throughout Europe, but only Thunberg’s and Quin’s contain not just finished products but also raw materials, tools, and prototypes of considerable age, which are further contemporary to the objects themselves. Dismounted urushi panels, supposedly to be reused on European furniture, are in France as part of the collections at the Musée des Beaux-Arts, Dijon, Musée Antoine Vivinel, Compiègne, and Musée de Louvre, Paris.⁴² Research shows that French and Swedish cabinet makers appear to have had a basic understanding of Asian lacquerware by the second half of the eighteenth century.⁴³ Resa and translated editions published shortly thereafter were available in many European countries. However, whether textual information was assimilated into the body of contemporary craftsmanship and used by practitioners immediately after publication of these volumes remains unclear. Even when information was available, it may not have affected practices until decades later,⁴⁴ and the scholars writing the books were often not experienced in craft making.

Results and discussion

Table 3 summarises the results of the microscopy of sections and chemical and physical analyses of samples, hereafter called sample 4 (headrest), 14 (barber plate), 85 (casket), and 86B (saucer), respectively. Figs. 28–31 show the samples and sections. The layers observed in the sections are named a–d within brackets, with [a] at the surface. Some X-ray fluorescence (XRF) spectra and pyrolysis-gas chromatography-mass spectrometry (Py-GC-MS) chromatograms were nearly identical. Hence, Figs. 32─35 are limited to the most elucidatory example in each case.

The urushi artefacts compared with the information on urushi and related topics in Resa

The presentation of results and discussion about related documentary pieces of evidence follow the working process of urushi from the bottom up, starting with the core material and ending with the decorations and signs of ageing, and then extending to more general aspects such as the pricing of urushi, the supply of lacquer, and the like. These more general aspects have a weaker linkage to the artefacts’ materiality and a wider scope for interpretation but can indicate how urushi and lacquerware were appreciated and understood in previous eras.

Unfortunately, no sample covered the body material, which was too small and occasionally too delicate. Therefore, it is impossible to establish any link between the information in Resa and the artefacts for wood species. However, Thunberg repeatedly commented on wood types, the quality of timber, and the importance of a straight grain. He often focused on the usefulness of plants. He also noted that bodies to be lacquered could be of different materials, but woods were most frequent, as for example: “large and beautifully lacquered norimon (palanquin) made partly from thin wood boards, and bamboo, in which one travels most comfortably” (3:109–10), and “two lacquered wood pegs (chopsticks) held in the right hand serve as fork and spoon” (4:74). The makers “use the finest choice of pines and cedars for lacquerware” (3:284; 4:59). Commenting on forests and wood species found in many regions along the Tōkaidō, he noted ”the most beautiful and giant trees, outstanding and unparalleled Thuja dolabrata (arborvitae)” (3:180). Thunberg considered the thuja (Hiba or Asunaro) the best conifers, particularly for their straight height and evergreen leaves. In the vicinity of Fakona (Hakone), Thunberg saw a profusion of cedars (Cupressus japonica, Sugi) that were higher, more beautiful than any conifer, and unmatched in other prefectures. Here, the “stems stand like candles,” and the material “displays a fine grain” (3:185). Further, he wrote that cedar resists decay better than any other wood and that it was apt for sea vessels, bridges, underwater constructions, and many artefacts” (3:185). Good timber was in high demand. Indeed, attempts were made to retrieve “cedar timber underwater, which was lost due to earthquakes” (3:185). The fact that most of Thunberg’s urushi ware show no warping or splitting indicates that the core material was chosen carefully, suitable for its application, and resilient towards changes in the mostly uncontrolled environment to which they have been exposed since 1776. Artefacts that show deformation, while very limited, are the box with red lid and the two cases (Figs. 8, 20).

Sections of samples 4 and 86B show ground layers [d] (Figs. 28, 31). For the complete validation of coating systems, the core material is essential. However, the interface between the body and the ground is often a zone with weak adhesion due to different chemical compositions and anisotropy. If the chemical bonding between applications is weak, physical interlocking might compensate. Therefore, we assume that the ground zone in the section reflects the actual ground in sample 4. The opposite may apply to sample 86B due to the deteriorating ground showing separation between applications close to the sample location. The limited number of layers reflects a more straightforward working process, typical for modest yet precisely and neatly made Japanese urushi ware from the eighteenth century.⁴⁵

Samples 4 and 86B have light-coloured, yellow-greyish grounds [d] made from minerals. Such minerals are consistent with a traditional filler such as jinoko (a coarse clay powder) or tonoko (a finer powder of calcined diatomaceous earth, a subproduct of polishing stones—toishi—used only in Wajima). The hue depends on the proportion of sap, whether it is mixed with proteinaceous material, and on the proper colour of the mineral. Two types, clay and earth, can be mixed with urushi or an urushi–animal glue mixture before application.⁴⁶ XRF data confirm iron (Fe) in combination with silica (Si) and calcium (Ca) in all samples (Fig. 35). Iron and calcium are expected in abrasive powders such as tonoko. Potassium (K), manganese (Mn), and aluminium (Al) were also detected but in low concentrations. Such elements can be constituents of the ground, whereas iron can also be present in the finish layer, the decoration, or a combination of these. Since the finishes are transparent, and the samples deliberately did not include any decoration layers, the iron is probably present in the grounds, or at least mainly in the grounds. In this respect, the analysis results conform with the information in Resa. Samples 4 and 86B exemplify what Thunberg described as “ground made with fine sludge deposited in a sink under a grinding stone or charcoal dust” (4:59).

Ground layers were sometimes black or red due to an admixture of pigments (4:59). Sample 14 displays no ground layer but a thick finish application of clear urushi marked [a] and a very thick, soot-rich layer marked [b] (Fig. 29). Macroscopically, the outermost surface appears dark, black and shiny, whereas the layer underneath is matte and dark with a red tinge, as in Fig. 36, a detail of one of the barber plates. A hypothesis is that the first application was soot mixed with a compound containing iron, and the second was soot only. However, this remains to be determined as the section does not display any interface between ground applications. No amines were detected by Py-GC-MS analysis, indicating that neither animal glue nor blood was used as a binder. Blood has never been reported on Japanese urushi ware except for some Ryukyu artefacts.⁴⁷ The colour and composition of grounds observed in the sections are consistent with descriptions in Resa and the literature on the urushi craft (4:59). The section from the barber plate (Fig. 29) displays a coloured foundation [b], but the darker superficial appearance probably gives a more accurate impression (Fig. 36). The latter is presumably the kind of “black-reddish substance mixed with the sap” that Thunberg noted (4:59).

The total number of layers in a coating system can vary considerably depending on the maker’s intention, the commissioner’s demands, and traditions related to a particular place and time, and twenty to thirty layers are not exceptional.⁴⁸ Nonetheless, the number of finish layers is often fewer than the number of ground layers. In areas with decorations in relief, though, extra undercoats, middle coats, and topcoats are applied. The finish layers in the sections are limited to one or two. Extracted ion chromatogram (EIC) data at m/z 108 of sample 14 confirms the pyrolysates 3-heptyl phenol (C7) and 3-penta decyl phenol (C15), which are markers for urushiol.⁴⁹ The position of other typical pyrolysates from urushiol is highlighted in Fig. 33⁵⁰ Thus, the raw sap used to fabricate the barber plate was exuded from the tree species Toxicodendron vernicifluum, which grows in China, Korea, and Japan.⁵¹ This result also holds for samples 4, 85, and 86B, and possibly other artefacts. The evidence for the plant source is consistent with Thunberg’s descriptions in Resa, Nihon Sankai, and Flora iaponica (4:59).⁵² However, to trace the harvest region of the sap (whether Japan or mainland Asia), strontium isotope ratio measurements are needed, which requires samples of a minimum of 30µg. During the period of interest, trade with sap was routine; therefore, imported sap cannot be ruled out by this study.

A drying oil was added to the sap on the barber plate, casket, and saucer, verified by the detection of palmitic and stearic acids in the EIC at m/z 60 of sample 86B; confirmed by the peaks for the saturated fatty acids (C6–C9), palmitic acid (C16), and stearic acid (C18) (Fig. 34. The same result also holds for samples 14 and 85. EIC m/z 60 of sample 4 confirmed carboxylic acids C6–C9, but not C16 and C18. The molecules C16 and C18 were not detected, possibly due to the aged coating. Oils modify properties, such as the lustre and elasticity of the cured film, additives known from the literature and current craftsmanship. The incense container (Fig. 4) is made in togidashi maki-e technique, in which the design is first covered then abraded to be revealed. It is very smooth and lustrous both inside and out, which may be an indication of oil. Usually, the surfaces most exposed to the light become matt, due to ongoing deterioration. Previous studies on urushi detected azelaic acid and palmitic, stearic, and saturated acids with a low carbon number, i.e., C6–C9, albeit suberic acid was not.⁵³ Palmitic and stearic acids have also been detected along with C6–C9 at m/z 60 without simultaneously detecting either azelaic or suberic acids.⁵⁴ Fatty acids from other substances complicate the interpretation of the results further.⁵⁵ Besides a drying oil (linseed, tung, and perilla oil), analytical data from other studies have suggested other potential additives such as a semi- or non drying oil or another ingredient containing fatty acids.⁵⁶ Such additives associated with the urushi craft include rapeseed and sesame oil.⁵⁷ Nihon sankai suggests that walnut oil was a contemporary alternative.⁵⁸ Such an admixture is unheard of by many artists and scholars, and this study has been unable to verify its presence in the literature and analyses.⁵⁹ However, raw anacard resins do not contain native fatty acids. Linseed and perilla oils are glycerides, i.e., esters formed by three fatty acids reacting with one glycerol molecule. The polyunsaturated fatty acids in linseed oil are linolenic, linoleic, and oleic. The saturated fatty acids are stearic and palmitic. The polyunsaturated acids polymerise simultaneously as the sap cures. Therefore, they remain undetected by GC-MS a posteriori. The main fatty acids of walnut oils are oleic, linoleic, linolenic, and palmitic, so the same applies to that type of oil.⁶⁰

In contrast, saturated fatty acids and oleic acid (monounsaturated) remain in the urushi coating film. In particular, saturated fatty acids are less reactive, relatively stable, and less susceptible to oxidation by oxygen in the air. Therefore, saturated fatty acids (stearic and palmitic acid) are detected when Py-GC-MS thermally decomposes old lacquer coatings. Moreover, it is unlikely that a drying oil has been used to restore the artefacts, although the recent restoration history is undocumented, e.g., that for of one of the saucers (Fig. 19). Thus, the sample 86B was collected from the other saucer to avoid the risk of contamination. The hypothesis also makes sense because adding oil to lacquer sap is a conventional technique.

Two sap-producing tree species are noted in Resa, namely Rhus vernix and R. succedanea (B), “growing in many prefectures” (3:78). Seeds from the “varnish tree, the so-called Fasino ki (ハゼノキ Hazenoki) or R. succedanea, most frequently cultivated in “Jetsigo” (Echigo 越後 present-day Niigata prefecture) (3:78–79, 211) were used to produce “tallow and waxy oil” for making candles “that are white or yellowish-white and covered with a white surface” (3:78–79, 211). Recently, Toxicodendron succedanea has been associated with lacquerware from Vietnam and Taiwan.⁶¹ The notes testify that the species grew in Japan during the eighteenth century. However, it is unconfirmed for producing anything but candles, which is consistent with present sources of information.⁶² Such data are inconsistent with Flora iaponica and its Japanese translation.⁶³ In the latter, R. vernix Linn. (toxicodendron) and R. succedanea Linn. were marked with the Japanese sign for urushi 漆, whereas R. iavanicum Linn. was not (Fig. 26). Why these entries are inconsistent is beyond the scope of this study. At least it is certain that Thunberg never visited the prefectures Niigata or Tochigi (mentioned in Nihon sankai; see below). In Thunberg’s collection of urushi-related artefacts, there is a candle (Fig. 16) displaying a matt, soft surface with white blooming resembling ageing wax. Its colour has changed significantly to brown-orange. Moreover, two of Thunberg’s plant specimens (UPS-THUNB nos. 7273 and 7284) tally with the information in Resa (Fig. 27), perhaps supplied by the Japanese translators and Thunberg’s helpers together with trustworthy information.

There is no evidence that Thunberg visited any plantations for sap production or urushi workshops. Nonetheless, Resa describes sap harvest, some essential properties of saps, and processes of manufacture, in accord with plate no. 12 in Nihon sankai:

The sap oozes out from the wounded stems of three-year-old trees. As freshly received in a proper vessel, it is light-coloured and of creamy consistency. Exposed to air, it turns black and more viscous. Dark grounds applied first are made with fine sludge. Ground charcoal is used at other times, and a black-reddish substance is occasionally mixed with the sap (4:59).

Thunberg noted that small and large artefacts were equally lacquered with a modified and more transparent sap showing the wood grain, and that “doorposts, window frames, drawers, chests, boxes, fans, teacups, soup dishes, and most household furniture made of wood are lacquered this way” (3:185; 4:99). The smallest artefact in Thunberg’s collection is the set of miniatures (Fig. 17). Besides the miniatures, the container, the box with a red-coated lid, and three cases (for a knife and two balances), the grain is visible through the lacquer (Figs. 6, 8, 12, and 15). Even blue lacquerware was made from “Cypressus japonica, which turns blue when soaked in water . . . [and] lacquered” with a more transparent sap (4:185). In the collection of artefacts, the above-mentioned container could be an example (Fig. 6). Other sap modifications were more opaque and turned the coating brown or black (4:99). Blue and green urushi ware was unusual since the sap reacts chemically with many pigments, changing or losing their colour.⁶⁴ Access to modern synthetic pigments makes it possible to produce bright colours, whereas historical blue urushi ware has been encountered only sporadically and in those cases was made with indigo pigment.⁶⁵ Therefore, this comment on the making of blue urushi ware is puzzling.

Black and red are the dominant colours in the urushi craft.⁶⁶ Thunberg’s collection is typical in this respect. As verified by other investigations, soot was a way to make black urushi, traditional before the mid-eighteenth century in China and Japan.⁶⁷ Processes to stain urushi black using iron were unknown during the period of interest but are widely used today.⁶⁸ Therefore, indications of soot were expected. The pigment is further confirmed by detecting fluoranthene, a pyrolysate of soot, in the EIC m/z 202 from samples 4 [c], 14 [b], and 85 [a] and in combination with pyrene in 86B [c] (Fig. 32). In general, soot powder added to urushi sap strengthens the substrate and renders it black. In the absence of other pigments, dyes, or stains, the conclusion is that soot was used on the four sampled artefacts and probably also on the rest, an assumption based on their age and slightly brownish-black appearances. Red urushi is encountered most as foundation (bengara) to the maki-e gold decorations, except for the interior of the casket (Fig. 18) and the two cases (Fig. 20). The interiors of the cases are green and the only examples that deviate from the most abundant colours, black and red. In history, green could sometimes be obtained with an admixture of indigo and a yellow pigment, such as orpiment, later substituted for Prussian blue and chrome yellow.⁶⁹

Many intriguing text passages in Resa concern lacquerware’s range in quality and design, expressed as “lacquerware of diverse sorts. Some artefacts were plain (coarser), others more elaborate (finer)” (3:59). Most of the artefacts collected by Thunberg are either plain or have exposed flat decorations and were probably more affordable, given he had a limited budget to work with and only a small cash allowance. The coating systems in samples 4, 14, 85, and 86B are limited in the number of layers, a strong indication of everyday rather than luxury products, as noted above (Figs. 28–31). Typical examples of surfaces with flat decorations are the two trays, the headrest, and the incense container (Figs. 1, 3, and 4). Even more plain is the partly red-coated box (Fig. 8).

Thunberg encountered lacquerware embellished with various motifs in gold or silver and adorned with “glitter” (probably meaning precious metals or nacre) (3:110; 4:99). The inro, incense box, and container are good examples of this (Figs. 5, 2, and 4). He concluded that gold “milled in fine particles” could be added to a transparent sap (4:59). Two trays display such decoration, so-called nashiji (pear-skin), on the inro’s interior faces (Fig. 1), as well as the inro´s interior faces. Nashiji is composed of flat particles, whereas maki-e powders are rounded and smaller. The ocular examination shows that many maki-e elements (sprinkled designs) have a red undercoat, probably an iron pigment such as iron oxide (bengara). Thunberg notes that the ground made as preparation for mirror-like urushi surfaces could be mixed with a filler, such as sediment recovered from grinding stones (4:59). The decorative elements on the four sampled artefacts are limited to metal powders sprinkled or applied with a brush, often on a red undercoat. According to Thunberg’s documentation, such embellishments were made with gold or silver (3:221; 4:59). XRF data confirmed zinc (Zn) in sample 85 (Fig. 35). Zinc is the second highest peak, suggesting that brass (a copper-zinc alloy) was more affordable than precious metals. However, there is no peak for copper. Upon surface examination, the décor on the casket appears to be a fine, golden powder on a red undercoat (Fig. 18). In a European context, zinc may have been used instead of silver, but appeared golden due to the proper colour of a dark binding medium. In Japan during the period of interest, zinc was mined with gold, silver, and copper but all of it was thrown away as useless mucus.⁷⁰ Many other artefacts have abraded decorations displaying a red undercoat, which is consistent with remarks in Resa, such as “beautifully lacquered . . . with flowers in raised decoration” and “sometimes red paint is mixed with the varnish” (3:221; 4:59). The investigation was limited to small samples, so the presence of other compounds or combinations of substances cannot be ruled out. However, the potential decoration remained unobserved in the section of sample 85. This absence may reflect that the specimen was subdivided after sampling. After that, the fragments were distributed between analysis methods. The same applies to sample 86B, with a zinc peak even higher than the iron (Fe) and, in low concentration, arsenic. Orpiment (kio, kiwo, sekio), a yellow pigment made of arsenic trisulphide, is occasionally used as an undercoat for gold, especially in areas subject to wear, such as the rim of vessels.⁷¹ It used to be a standard material for transferring maki e patterns from draft paper or making undercoats for keishifun maki e (sprinkling the finest gold powder).⁷² Elsewhere, indeed, a yellow pigment might replace gold. No orpiment particles were observed in the sections, but the pigment can deteriorate to white arsenic oxide. Although decorations were not deliberately sampled, the detection of zinc in other layer zones was unanticipated, and its presence is inconsistent with the literature.⁷³ Detection of zinc may be considered as contamination until otherwise indicated.

Further, in the index to volume 3 of Resa, Thunberg listed some Swedish and Japanese terms related to the urushi craft. Examples of words for decoration techniques, materials, and tools include to lacquer: “Makie faru” (maki e suru 蒔絵する [doing or applying maki-e]); lacquer work: “Makie mono, norimono” (nurimono 塗物 [lacquered object]); lacquerware with gold: “Nafis” (nasis; probably nashiji 梨地); pen, brush: “Fuda” (fude 筆); nacre :“Sinfu” (probably shinju 真珠 [pearl]); and Spanish green: “Rokulfeo” (rokuseo rokusho 緑⻘ [verdigris]), a basic copper acetate pigment (3:320–40). Fig. 13 corresponds to such a brush. Since the sampling strategy was to avoid excess loss of otherwise almost intact surfaces, decorated areas were not targeted. Therefore, the total range of potential pigments remains inconclusive. The literature and current craftsmanship show that cinnabar (vermilion) was admired and frequently used to make red urushi—the lighter the nuance, the better. Therefore, it is not farfetched to assume that most of the red urushi is mixed with cinnabar or a blend of cinnabar and red iron (bengara), in spite of the fact that Thunberg noted a number of minerals as “important materials” (3:228–30).

Thunberg may have known that urushi could sustain long periods of wear and remain intact for quite some time, as he noted that “set coatings endure boiling water, are easily scratched, crack like glass when blown” (4:99), and “decorations in relief applied on the coating surface are worn with age” (4:60). While such information appears based on hearsay rather than on observation, they are accurate. Very slight abrasion of the gold maki-e can be observed on one of the barber plates (Fig. 9), displaying the red ground at the wings of the bird and some of the leaves, and on the bevelled rims on the casket (Fig. 18). However, it is impossible to know exactly when the signs of wear first developed, whether before, during, or after Thunberg’s time. It is well known that urushi is affected by sunlight, causing the surface to develop micro-craquelures that turn surfaces matt and susceptible to water.⁷⁴ Some of Thunberg’s urushi wares show such surfaces, with smaller or larger cracks, such as the headrest, one of the barber plates, the casket, one of the saucers, and the two cases (Figs. 3, 10, 18–20). More extensive losses in the lacquer layers have been restored, e.g., on the tobacco jar and one of the saucers (Figs. 7, 19). Apart from that, the overall impression is that the condition of the collection is good considering its age and history.

Thunberg observed that manufacturers existed throughout the country. As he concluded, some artists brought the craft to such perfection that it exceeds everything in Europe. His admiration for lacquering and lacquerware is evident: “Their lacquered woodworks, specifically their ancient artistry, surpasses every attempt made by other nations . . . diligence and ambition in crafts appear extraordinary, and Japanese lacquerware excels the Chinese, Siamese [Thai], and indeed that of all others worldwide” (4:59).

Whether the incense box (Fig. 2) and the inro (Fig. 5) are examples of such ancient artistry is impossible to conclude, but they are potential candidates. The box’s maki-e décor and its intricate interior, with many small containers nicely fitted, displays a number of different techniques and metal powders in a range of densities, documenting the high skill of its maker (Fig. 2). The inro is likewise made by a very competent artist, with a steady hand and in control of the hiramaki-e and kirigane techniques. Silver and gold in different densities and shapes are used to depict a three-dimensional landscape (Fig. 5). Thunberg’s 1779 lecture further emphasised his admiration for the urushi craft at a level of skill incomparable with other crafts: “[The Japanese] work precisely and beautifully in steel and copper; however, their lacquered artefacts, particularly the old ones, surpass everything made by other people hitherto” (4:57; 1779:8).⁷⁵

In Thunberg’s opinion, the high quality depended partly on the deliberate choice of sap; the makers “coat them with the best varnish prepared from Rhus vernix that grows in abundance in many parts of the country” (4:59). Together with other artefacts, the two barber plates even today display a very subtle gloss and perfect surfaces free of blemish (Figs. 9 and 10). While Thunberg’s texts convey a sense of overwhelmingly positive feelings for an unanticipated culture, a few negative comments appear regarding inferiority in the level of innovation compared with Europe and too limited manufacturing of other than indispensable and practical things (3:284). Which artefacts are practical or not is a matter of definition and a philosophical issue. In this study, all the artefacts have a practical function but are also aesthetically pleasing. Even the most basic design, such as that for the barber knife case (Fig. 12), can be considered artistic if that term means the object was made with care and thoughtful consideration by its maker. That was noted by Thunberg when he wrote that “crafts are much practised everywhere, and some are so developed that they surpass the European arts and crafts in quality” (4:53).

Thunberg was fascinated by the frequency by which lacquerware appeared in many situations. When the Japanese slept, he said, “they did not use pillows but oblong pieces of lacquered wood” (3:127). Everyone sat down at a small table at mealtimes. The various dishes came in “the neatest lidded porcelain or japanned wood vessels” (3:127). In between, they drank hot sake from “shallow tea saucers made of lacquered wood” (3:127; 4:74). Among the artefacts, the head rest and the saucers seem to correspond to such bed- and tableware (Figs. 3, 19).

In Miyako, almost “any ready-made commodity could be obtained, particularly lacquerware,” and the “best and most masters, manufacturers, and artists have settled here” (3:159). Before leaving Miyako and Fakonie, Thunberg placed orders for various lacquerware to be collected on his return (3:160, 180). In particular, these remarks on the assortment of available categories of items in almost unlimited stock, and on places for purchase, illuminate the extant artefacts’ value as evidence for the standards and supply of everyday commodities. It must remain a speculation which of the artefacts, if any, Thunberg commissioned in Miyako. However, some of the urushi seem to be in almost pristine condition, or at least without any obvious signs of wear and tear, and thus more likely to have been made on the order of Thunberg or his Japanese helpers in Miyako or elsewhere. Other sites mentioned for purchasing and placing commissions were Swota, Fisen (porcelain), Kokura, and Osaka (3:3).

The purchase prices, which Thunberg at times considered too high, reflected the level of quality. A cabinet in “vieux lack” (antique lacquerware) offered for purchase was considered by Thunberg to be overly expensive (3:221). Despite its better quality, unmatched by contemporary works, and decorated with flowers in high relief, he compared its price unfavourably with that of gold (3:221). Raised relief (takamaki-e), described as “embodied figures on the varnish surface, especially on old works, are greatly esteemed (in the domestic market) and of high price” (4:99). From a contemporary standpoint, we may imagine that Thunberg, as a typical Westerner, was unaccustomed to paying as much as the Japanese.

In Japan during the period of interest, lacquerware could be used to distinguish a person of high rank. “No person of distinction undertakes a journey without a small chest of lacquered wood” (4:80). Only officials and persons of distinction travelled with norimon and used “an oblong and lacquered box of the size of a large sandwich for provisions” (3:111). In the collection, the casket might be nearest in size to that description, depending on the measurements of a sandwich (Fig. 18). Smoking could also be a sign of social standing. “Pipes of lacquered bamboo” were used by persons of rank in a kit with “three small, black or brown lacquered cups” in a likewise lacquered case (Fig. 11) (4:82). While the tobacco pipe (Fig. 11) corresponds to Thunberg’s remark, a sleeve instead of a case protects the pipe, and there are no lacquered cups in the museum collection. Perhaps a small, red glass cup (inv. No. 1900-35-0023), also associated with Thunberg but with a different provenance, is the kind of accessory that, according to him, should make up such a kit, but there is no detailed description of its function in the museum catalogue.⁷⁶

Nihon sankai and how it relates to Resa

Volume 3 of Nihon sankai is of primary interest from a urushi crafts perspective.⁷⁷ It includes plates for turning wood cups and shallow bowls from Mount Nikkō in Tochigi, production of camphor, charcoal manufacturing from Ikeda in Osaka, and urushi sap harvesting (plates 1, 5, 7, 12) (Fig. 21). Other plates show crafts and products adjacent to the urushi craft, such as papermaking, weaving of cloth in Nishijinn, and manufacturing candles (plates 4, 11, 20). Plates 1, 7, and 12 tally with the information in Resa. It can be hypothesised that the interpreters informed Thunberg about details illustrated in Nihon sankai that he could only have observed if he had visited a workshop or plantation during harvest. Although Resa includes site-specific descriptions, Thunberg was unlikely to have visited places other than those along the planned Tōkaidō route. Therefore, some of the descriptions in Resa are probably based on illustrations in Nihon sankai, word-of-mouth accounts from his interpreters, or a combination of the two. Plate 1 shows coated boxes and diverse bowls inside a traditional furo (humidor for curing urushi) and a pile of small tables, perhaps the type of items Thunberg had used and described with appreciation. However, he never wrote anything about the curing of urushi in a closet. Based on his experience with tableware and furniture, he might have been able to evaluate other information illustrated in the pictures, perhaps even without reading the text. Plate 12 depicts men and women slashing bark for draining and collecting sap in small casks, recognisable as such because the same model is still used.⁷⁸ After Japanese copper, camphor was the primary commodity sold to the V.O.C. at the Nagasaki port (3:47). Thunberg’s interest in camphor was probably mainly as a potential drug (4:4).⁷⁹ In an urushi context, the resin is known as an additive in anacard coatings, modifying their properties.⁸⁰

Deduced from the AI recognition and translation, the content of plate 1 reads that the bowls and tables produced in Mount Nikkō, located 31 ri from Edo,⁸¹ Shimotsuke no Kuni province (today’s Tochigi prefecture), were “admired and cherished by all because of their solid lacquer base and dependability for all uses.”⁸² During the Edo period, Shimotsuke no Kuni was ranked as one of the thirteen “great provinces” in terms of importance and attracted shogunal attention. The explanation also contains a poem on the virtues of lacquerware: carved from wood, coated with glue and lacquer, and shining like golden treasures.⁸³

The caption for plate 12 reads that the juice spurts from cuts in the tree and is then scraped off with a bamboo spatula into a vessel containing a thick infusion of tea and walnut oil. The trees should be fairly thick and old to produce good juice. The age of the trees tallies with information in Resa, that the trees should be three years old to produce high-quality sap and collected in an appropriate container. The Yoshino district in Washu prefecture (和州, present-day Nara) and Kumano in Kishu (紀州, present-day Wakayama prefecture) were famous for liquid urushi. The affinity of the explanations in Nihon sankai with Thunberg’s reflections in Resa further supports the hypothesis that interpreters may have told Thunberg about the contents of the Japanese text.⁸⁴

Conclusion

In summary, the sections illustrate and the scientific analyses support descriptions of the historical manufacturing methods and some characteristics of urushi ware discussed in Resa. They also suggest that the investigated artefacts were carefully made everyday commodities rather than precious rarities, created primarily for the domestic market and not for exportation. In this respect, Thunberg’s urushi collection corresponds with contemporary, traditionally made urushi from Japan. The number of variations that urushi might display is almost infinite, so the limited assortment in the collection by no means illustrates the whole picture, but Thunberg’s fascination with Japanese habits, sleeping modes, shaving routines, and hygienic standards is reflected by the artefacts relating to body care, including those he may have personally used in Japan (such as the tableware). His interest in manufacturing, trading, and commerce is also reflected in the collection.

Data from the sampled artefacts show great affinity with Thunberg’s documentation of his voyage to Japan, as can be deduced from his travel accounts. In fact, many characteristics, such as colours, decoration styles, practical functions, technical qualities, are direct illustrations of his publication, which he spent more than a decade writing following his departure from Nagasaki. It can be hypothesised that during that period he may have had the artefacts within reach and was conveniently able to recall his memories. He may also have been able to review his diary notes in relation to his collectables. Since the notes are lost, indications of what he chose to omit from his account in Resa must remain unknown. However, the visually examined artefacts seem to add to the picture of Thunberg’s urushi legacy in complementary ways. Some artefacts display transparent coatings: a small, round, lidded container; a set of miniatures; a box with a red rectangle; and cases for knives and balances. The transparent coating allows the wood grain or bamboo surface to show. In Resa, such coatings are said to be standard on many household items and building-construction elements. In particular, the round container inv. No. 1874-01-0007 seems intriguing if analysis can prove it to be the type of blue urushi described by Thunberg. Continued research may challenge whether it might be made from recovered, water-soaked cedar and transparently coated. The incense box inv. No. 1874-01-0003 (Fig. 2) displays a variety of decoration techniques and powders in a range of sizes and colours. It might be the most elaborate lacquerware in the collection, “a rarity,” as Thunberg put it. However, scientific analyses that can analyse samples in situ are needed to verify components and layer structures on a more detailed scale before any further conclusion can be drawn.

It is impossible to conclude whether Thunberg chose to buy the most representative products he could find or examples of the high level of skill he had observed. The Japanese considered Thunberg to be a significant (Dutch) official and intellectual with essential knowledge about Western science: so-called rangaku (lit., Dutch studies).⁸⁵ The gifts he received thereby may have been chosen with great care—either those of the highest quality available or at least the most appropriate offerings for reciprocal exchanges (Table 1). In Thunberg’s words, he was pleased by the Japanese’s respectful treatment toward him (3:194, 280, 282-3, 286).⁸⁶ His repeated opinion about the high level of craft skills, particularly those exhibited by Japanese lacquerware, might confirm the level of quality of the Thunberg urushi assemblage, a hypothesis supported by their presently good condition.

While the criteria that he followed to choose artefacts for purchase remain absent or merely indications rather than evidence, there are occasional details in Resa that point to some of the artefacts being everyday commodities. In contrast, others were considered rarities, though it is unclear to which category each artefact belongs. However, as we conclude, the investigated artefacts, seemingly occasionally secondhand, are undoubtedly good products. Thunberg had to economise, which may explain the absence of the most exclusive and elaborate antiquities, as indicated by the use of a copper alloy, an alternative to gold. Orpiment is another potential substitute for gold, as discussed above. Most artefacts are modest, which is unusual for many museum collections that generally tend to reflect the exceptional. In that way, and through examination of the material culture, Thunberg’s collection conveys a unique view of daily urban life and the urushi craft in Japan during a narrow time frame—namely, sixteen months between 1775 and 1776—and within a limited geographical area. All artefacts must, therefore, predate Thunberg leaving Deshima and embarking on the V.O.C. vessel (23 November 1776).

Even if they were randomly gathered, the artefacts are a useful reference to other Japanese or East Asian products coated with anacard sap and of the same age. The results of the investigation reveal various characteristics typical for traditional urushi ware that can be used as reference points for artefacts of ambiguous backgrounds. With that said, the results reported are only valid for the examined artefacts. While Thunberg’s urushi collection carries substantial meaning for scholarly and historical-cultural purposes, it is not representative of the extensive and diverse range of Japanese urushi.

Thunberg was tempered, challenged, and fascinated by what he saw abroad, not least during his time in Japan. In his view, Japan was an ideal nation with people living peacefully and respectfully together. As a rationalist, he believed he could observe the world neutrally and without bias. However, despite his many years abroad, he could not free himself from his European background, and he was surrounded by social elements that he did not entirely understand, which revealed his blind spots. Yet Resa confirms that he was highly motivated by the contemporary European philosophical movement to educate by example. He taught Japanese pupils botany and European medicine; in return, the Japanese taught him habits, crafts, and arts. His curiosity, relatively open mind, and interest in other people, combined with precedence in social rank and capacity to learn foreign languages, allowed him to collect objects and information that we can still enjoy and appreciate today in fortunate circumstances. We further conclude that while some comments and reflections in Resa appear based on hearsay, Thunberg’s interpreters probably supplied the visitor with accurate information on lacquerware and some processes involved in its manufacture. The illustrations in Nihon sankai appear essential for understanding aspects of urushi that Thunberg could not have observed firsthand.

His visit to Japan supplied the West with knowledge of cultural aspects of eighteenth-century Japanese life. His published observations on lacquer, outweighing Kaempher’s much more limited accounts on that topic, remained unprecedented until the restoration era, when Japan opened up to the world. Thunberg’s words, excerpted from his books and other documents, enhance the importance of his urushi collection and learning about their characteristics on a detailed scale. Such information is also essential in preserving such palpable artefacts of cultural and historical significance. By studying examples of Japanese urushi in Sweden, we may better understand the significance such objects held for contemporaries.

One of the most convincing motives for scientific analyses of tangible materials is that they provide indications of aspects of the material world that were rarely documented.⁸⁷ They may confirm hypotheses arrived at from other data, such as contemporary texts. When two or more independent sources, as is the case here, produce data that point in the same direction, the conclusions carry even greater weight - as they then point towards a trend, rather than a single, isolated observation.⁸⁸ Close examination and scientific analysis of the urushi in Thunberg’s collection partly complement and confirm the information gained from the textual sources. That the authors of the present article are native-speaking in Swedish and Japanese and work in a cross-disciplinary team has been incredibly beneficial, and has ensured the thorough scrutiny of all sources involved.

We hope this work contributes to the more recent and relatively abundant scholarly research on identifying complex coatings made from anacard sap and to curating and preserving historical urushi objects. Any informed decision about their care and restoration must consider the intrinsic information and intangible qualities the tangible artefacts might convey. The tangible and intangible heritages might be equally essential and cross-fertilise each other.

Author Bios

Maria Brunskog studied arts and crafts and is a trained cabinet maker. Graduated from the Royal Danish Academy of Fine Arts as a conservator-restorer and in 2003 awarded a PhD in conservation by the University of Gothenburg. She has been involved in conservation at various museums and as a private consultant for over four decades. Her research areas include archaeometry issues, the technology of Swedish furniture and decorative surface finishes in historical contexts, climate impact on polychromy and the visual evaluation of paint on wood. She is a senior researcher affiliated with Uppsala University, where she acted as head of the programme in Integrated Conservation.

Professor Tetsuo Miyakoshi holds a doctorate in engineering from Meiji University in Tokyo, Japan. Since completing his doctorate, Miyakoshi has also held positions in engineering and applied chemistry at various institutions such as North Carolina State University in the United States, as well as Meiji University, where he is currently a professor emeritus. His research interests include urushi chemistry, organic synthetic chemistry and natural product chemistry.

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Notes

1. Thunberg was an academic careerist but also acted from a Swedish mercantile perspective, by which the nation’s political and economic supremacy relied on exporting the largest possible quantity of its products and importing as little as possible, thus establishing a favourable balance of trade. ↩︎

2. Urushiふしぎ物語 : 人と漆の12000年史 : 企画展示 (Urushi fushigi monogatari: hito to urushi no 12000nenshi: kikaku tenji) (Tokyo: National Museum of Japanese History, 2017), 40. ↩︎

3. Svenska Akademiens Ordbok (SAOB) vol. 8 (1924): F 467; vol. 13 (1937): J17, https://www.saob.se/. ↩︎

4. See the online catalogue for the Museums of World Culture: Carlotta, https://collections.smvk.se/carlotta-em/web; Europeana: https://www.europeana.eu/en; and DigitaltMuseum, the common database for museums in Sweden and Norway, https://digitaltmuseum.se/. ↩︎

5. On the Swedish Natural History Museum, see https://www.nrm.se/ommuseet/historikochbyggnad/historik.10074.html, last modified July 1, 2015. ↩︎

6. Ulrika Bornestaf, “Numismatic Treasures in the Royal Coin Cabinet,” Quadra (1998): 132–135; Atsushi Ebihara et al., Thunberg´s Japanese Plants (2015– ), http://cpthunberg.ebc.uu.se; ALVIN Platform for Digital Collections and Digitized Cultural Heritage, https://www.alvin-portal.org/alvin/home.jsf?dswid=-1699; Bertil Nordenstam, “Carl Peter Thunberg and Japanese Natural History,” Asian Journal of Natural & Applied Sciences 2, no. 2 (2013); Marie-Christine Skuncke, Carl Peter Thunberg: Botanist and Physician; Career-Building across the Oceans in the Eighteenth Century (Uppsala: Swedish Collegium for Advanced Study, 2014); Marie-Christine Skuncke, “Suède, Europe, Japon: Le botaniste Carl Peter Thunberg sur le marché international,” La Révolution française, no. 13 (January 2018), https://doi.org/10.4000/lrf.1928. ↩︎

7. A rough total of 27,000 plant specimens and 37,000 insects. ↩︎

8. During the Tokugawa reign, Japan enforced self-isolation from foreign powers between the years 1693 and 1854, banning Christianity, prohibiting Japanese people from making or returning from trips overseas, and restricting foreign diplomatic and trade relations except with the Dutch and the Chinese. ↩︎

9. Harald Fodstad, “Carl Peter Thunberg: Swedish Pioneer of Occidental Medicine in Japan,” Neurologia Medico-Chirurgica 22, no. 7 (1982): 577, https://doi.org/10.2176/NMC.22.577. ↩︎

10. Fodstad*,* 580*;* Carl Peter Thunberg, Resa uti Europa, Afrika, Asia förrättad åren 1770─1779, 1788–. ↩︎

11. Skuncke, Carl Peter Thunberg, page 256*.* ↩︎

12. Fodstad, “Carl Peter Thunberg,” 580. ↩︎

13. This study did not have access to all translated editions and did not aim at comparing them. ↩︎

14. Timon Screech, Japan Extolled and Decried: Carl Peter Thunberg and the Shogun’s Realm, 1775–1796 (London: Routledge, 2005), 61–63. The Japanese translation was by Yamada Tamaki ⼭⽥珠樹, Tsunberugu Nihon Kikou ツンベルグ ⽇本紀⾏ (Tokyo: Shun Nan Do, 1928; Okukawa Shobo, 1941), https://dl.ndl.go.jp/pid/1877837. ↩︎

15. Tessai Hirase and Mitsunobu Hasegawa, Nihon sankai meibutsu zue vol. 3 (Osaka: Chigusaya Shinzaemon, 1754). ↩︎

16. Since its publication, many copies have spread and can be found worldwide, e.g., at the Smithsonian Institution, Museum of Fine Arts, Boston, Biodiversity Heritage Library Consortium, and National Library of Australia. It is frequently available at auction. ↩︎

17. Email correspondence with the authors, Herbert Jonsson, 8 March 2022; Charlotte du Rietz, 7 March 2022; Lars Vargö, 4 March 2022. ↩︎

18. Initial ocular examination and macro photography preceded sampling. One sample from each of the selected artefacts was collected as discreetly as possible but simultaneously to locate the most appropriate and informative specimens. In general, the aim is to limit sampling in order to preserve the object’s surface and hence not to violate potential intrinsic information. However, with almost wholly intact original surfaces, the opportunities are even more restricted and have to be balanced with the anticipated outcome.

    After that, standard scientific analysis methods characterised the main components, focusing on the coating strata. Separation of the multi-layered coatings during sampling into single layers was impossible. Therefore, the data obtained are not layer specific, which leads to uncertainty in the interpretation when determining the use and proportion of certain substances in specific layer(s). ↩︎

19. Digital microscope photography used a Zeiss Stemi 2000-C Stereo Microscope 6.5x–50x attached with a Sony α NEX-7 digital camera to photograph and closely observe samples before preparation.

    Preparation of thin sections and light microscopy aimed for thin-section microscopy; samples were embedded in epoxy resin, with any air bubbles removed with a vacuum and left to cure overnight. After subsequent grinding and polishing, the reverse side was glued to a microscope glass slide (Matsunami Glass Ind. Ltd.), using the same medium, and left to cure overnight. Thin sections were cut to about 1−2 mm in thickness using a diamond saw (South Bay Technology, Low-Speed Diamond Wheel Saw, model 650). Grinding was done stepwise automatically (Buehler AutoMet 250 EcoMet grinder polisher) for three minutes on each grid, using 400, 600, and 2400 Mesh Silicon Carbide Waterproof Papers. The subsequent polishing used suspensions (Sankei aqra diamond suspension 3 microns, or Ultra-High-Purity Deagglom Alumina Suspen 0.05 µm) for about one minute. A final manual polishing step was performed to avoid excessive material loss and reach a final thickness of around 10−15 µm. Observation of sections was carried out using an ECLIPSE LV100N POL microscope (Nikon Co. Ltd), and a digital camera. Sections were observed in both reflected and transmitted light, in the darkfield, and with crossed polars (PLM) and images captured under magnification.

    XRF (X-ray fluorescence microscopy) was performed at normal atmospheric pressure with current 50 kV and 1.0 mA in the** Horiba Scientific XGT-5200 Analytical X-ray Microscope **with high spatial resolution, from 1 to 10 µm.

    Pyrolysis-gas chromatography-mass spectrometry direct measurements were performed with a vertical microfurnace pyrolyser PY-2020iD (Frontier Lab, Japan), and HP 6890 gas chromatograph, and an HPG 5972A (Hewlett-Packard, Ltd.) mass spectrometer. A stainless-steel capillary column (diam. 0.25 mm × 30 m) coated with 0.25 μm of Ultra Alloy PY-1 (100% methyl silicone) was used for the separation. A platinum cup containing the sample (0.05 mg) was first kept on top of the pyrolyser at near ambient temperature; then, the sample was introduced into the furnace at 500°C. The oven was programmed to provide a constant temperature increase of 12°C per min from 40°C to 320°C and held for 10 min at 320°C. The flow rate of the helium gas was 1 ml min-1. The injector had a split of 50:1. The MS ionisation energy was 70eV (EI-mode). All pyrolysis products were identified by mass spectrometry at ionisation energy at 70eV (EI-mode). Data was analysed with Agilent MSD Chemstation software. See Soichiro Idei et al., “Analysis of Sakhalin-Ainu Lacquerwares by Pyrolysis Gas Chromatography-Mass Spectrometry,” Journal of Archaeological Science: Reports 20 (August 2018): 1–5; Takahashi et al. (2018). All pyrolysis products were identified from an interpretation of their mass spectra. The results are presented as extracted ion chromatograms (EIC). ↩︎

20. Carl Peter Thunberg, Inträdes-tal, om de mynt-sorter, som i äldre och sednare tider blifvit slagne och varit gångbare uti kejsaredömet Japan; hållet för kongl. vetenskaps-academien, den 25 Aug., 1779 (Stockholm: Johan Georg Lange, 1779), cited in Skuncke, Carl Peter Thunberg, 256. ↩︎

21. Thunberg, Carl Peter, 1792 and 1794, Karl Peter Thunbergs, … Reise durch einen Theil von Europa, Afrika und Asien, hauptsächlich in Japan, in den Jahren 1770 bis 1779. Aus dem Schwedischen frey übersetzt von Christian Heinrich Groskurd, … Erster und Zweyter Band., Berlin bey Haude und Spener. Thunberg, Carl Peter, 1796, Voyages De C. P. Thunberg, Au Japon, Par le Cap de Bonne-Espérance, Les îles de la Sonde, &c. Traduits, rédigés et augmentés de notes considérables sur la Religion, le Gouvernement, le Commerce, l’Industrie et les Langues de ces différentes contrées, particulièrement sur le Javan et le Malai; Par L. Langles … ; Et revus, quant à la partie d’Histoire naturelle, par J. B. Lamarck … Avec des Planches Tome troisième., A Paris, Chez Benoît Dandré, Garnery, Obré, I an IV. ↩︎

22. Use of the Miwo app was suggested by Masaki Hayashi, senior lecturer and associate professor, Department of Game Design, Uppsala University. ↩︎

23. Leonie Kijewski, “The Japanese Character and Its Peculiarity—A Study of Carl Peter Thunberg’s Travel Account,” MaRBLe 6 (July 2014): 158, https://doi.org/10.26481/MARBLE.2014.V6.223. ↩︎

24. Known as “great men” in Thunberg’s words. ↩︎

25. Skuncke, Carl Peter Thunberg, 15, 18, 41. ↩︎

26. Skuncke, 99. ↩︎

27. Nordenstam, “Carl Peter Thunberg,” 1. ↩︎

28. Screech, Japan Extolled and Decried, 106. ↩︎

29. Thunberg, Inträdes-tal, cited in Skuncke, Carl Peter Thunberg, 256. ↩︎

30. Skuncke, Carl Peter Thunberg, 145; Kijewski, “Japanese Character,” 157. ↩︎

31. Olof Eriksson and Nils Matsson Willman, Beskriffning vppå trenne resor sampt konungarijket Japan (Kiöping, 1667). ↩︎

32. Fodstad, “Carl Peter Thunberg,” 579. ↩︎

33. Wolfgang Michael, “His Story of Japan: Engelbert Kaempfer´s Manuscript in a New Translation,” review of Kaempfer’s Japan: Tokugawa Culture Observed by Englebert Kaempfer, by Beatrice M. Bodart-Bailey, Monumenta Nipponica 55, no. 1 (2000), 10910. Kaempfer´s original manuscript in German with the title “Geschichte und Beschreibung von Japan” was bought after his death by Sloane in London, translated into English, and published in 1727 as “The History of Japan”. Since then, it has been edited and published many times in German, each under a different title. ↩︎

34. Screech, Japan Extolled, 70. ↩︎

35. ALVIN, record no. 233956. ↩︎

36. Skuncke, Carl Peter Thunberg, 99. ↩︎

37. Carl Peter Thunberg, Flora iaponica sistens plantas insvlarum iaponicarvm secvndvm systema sexvale emendatvm redactas ad XX classes, ordines, genera et species cvm differentiis specificis, synonymis pavcis, descriptionibvs concinnis et XXX IX iconibvs adiectis (Lipsiae: I. G. Mulleriano, 1784). ↩︎

38. Skuncke, 23. ↩︎

39. Göran Wennergren, “Carl Peter Thunberg—läkare och botaniker: Thunbergians fader,” Läkartidningen 100, no. 44 (2003), 2. ↩︎

40. Günther Heckmann, Japanese Lacquer Technology / Urushi No Waza (Ellwangen: Nihon Art, 2002), 22; Hew D. V. Prendergast et al., A Lacquer Legacy at Kew: The Japanese Collection of John J. Quin ([Richmond]: Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew, 2001). ↩︎

41. Miho Kitagawa, email correspondence to the authors, 13 January 2022; Urushi Nation Joboji*,* http://en.urushi-joboji.com/[http://en.urushi-joboji.com/](http://en.urushi-joboji.com/). ↩︎

42. To survey museum collections for raw materials and the like was not within the scope of this study. Maria Brunskog and Tetsuo Miyakoshi, “A Colourful Past: A Re-Examination of a Swedish Rococo Set of Furniture with a Focus on the Urushi Components,” Studies in Conservation 66, no. 8 (2021): 477–501, https://doi.org/10.1080/00393630.2020.1846359; Meiko Nagashima, The Vogue for Makie Lacquerware in Eighteenth-Century France: Stripped Plates and Masterful Imitations Makie (Kyoto National Museum Bulletin, 2014). ↩︎

43. Brunskog and Miyakoshi, “Colourful Past.” ↩︎

44. Tore Frängsmyr, Sökandet efter upplysningen: En essä om 1700-talets svenska kulturdebatt (Höganäs: Wiken, 1993): 90-91, 107-108. ↩︎

45. Prendergast et al., Lacquer Legacy, 60. ↩︎

46. Heckmann, Japanese Lacquer Technology, 82–83; Project for the Conservation of Works of Japanese Art in Foreign Collections (Tokyo: National Research Institute for Cultural Properties, 1999), 218. ↩︎

47. Silvia Miklin-Kniefacz et al., “Searching for Blood in Chinese Lacquerware: zhū xiě huī 豬 血 灰,” Studies in Conservation 61, sup. 3 (2016): 45–51, https://doi.org/10.1080/00393630.2016.1227039. ↩︎

48. Xinying Hao et al., “Analysis on the Composition/Structure and Lacquering Techniques of the Coffin of Emperor Qianlong Excavated from the Eastern Imperial Tombs,” Scientific Reports 7, no. 1 (2017): 8446, https://doi.org/10.1038/s41598-017-08933-8; Heckmann, Japanese Lacquer Technology, PAGE; Gonroku Matsuda, The Book of Urushi: Japanese Lacquerware from a Master, supervised by Kazumi Murose, trans. Michael Brase and Makiko Komada (Tokyo: Japan Publishing Industry Foundation for Culture, 2019), 93, 101, 122; Marianne Webb, Lacquer: Technology and Conservation; A Comprehensive Guide to the Technology and Conservation of Asian and European Lacquer (Oxford: Butterworth-Heinemann, 2000). ↩︎

49. Takayuki Honda and Tetsuo Miyakoshi, “Scientific Analyses of Lacquerware,” Archaeometria, ed. Yoshiaki Nishino (Tokyo: University Museum, Tokyo University, 2012), 232–60; Rong Lu, Takayuki Honda, and Tetsuo Miyakoshi, Lacquer Chemistry and Applications (Amsterdam: Elsevier, 2015): 28, https://doi.org/10.1016/C2014-0-04817-4; Michael Schilling, “Characterizing Materials: Recent Advances in Characterizing Asian Lacquers” (Getty Conservation Institute, 2013), https://www.getty.edu/conservation/publications_resources/teaching/characterizing.html. ↩︎

50. Honda, “Scientific Analysis of Coating Materials”; Rong Lu, Takayuki Honda, and Tetsuo Miyakoshi, “Application of Pyrolysis-Gas Chromatography/Mass Spectrometry to the Analysis of Lacquer Film,” Advanced Gas Chromatography—Progress in Agricultural, Biomedical and Industrial Applications (March 2012): 243–44, https://doi.org/10.5772/32235; Schilling, “Characterizing Materials.” ↩︎

51. Honda and Miyakoshi, “Scientific Analyses of Lacquerware.” ↩︎

52. Hirase and Hasegawa, Nihon Sankai 3, pl. 12; Keisuke Itō, Taisei Honzō Meiso Flora Japonica (Tokyo, 1829), 35. ↩︎

53. Brunskog and Miyakoshi, “Colourful Past,” fig. 6b. ↩︎

54. Xinying Hao et al., “Analysis on the Composition,” 6 and fig. 8a; Takayuki Honda et al., “Identification of Ryukyu Lacquerwares by Pyrolysis-Gas Chromatography/Mass Spectrometry and 87Sr/86Sr Isotope Ratio.” Journal of Analytical and Applied Pyrolysis 117 (January 2016): 25–29, https://doi.org/10.1016/J.JAAP.2015.12.021; Idei et al., “Analysis of Sakhalin-Ainu Lacquerwares”; Meesook Sung et al., “Study of Historical Chinese Lacquer Culture and Technology—Analysis of Chinese Qin-Han Dynasty Lacquerware,” Journal of Cultural Heritage 21 (September 2016): 889–93, https://doi.org/10.1016/J.CULHER.2016.05.004. ↩︎

55. Heginbotham and Schilling, “New Evidence”; Honda, “Scientific Analysis of Coating Materials,” 60, fig. 18 and table 2; Schilling et al., “Beyond the Basics,” S3-30. ↩︎

56. Xiao-Ming Ma, Rong Lu, and Tetsuo Miyakoshi, “Application of Pyrolysis Gas Chromatography/Mass Spectrometry in Lacquer Research: A Review,” Polymers 6, no. 1 (2014): 138, https://doi.org/10.3390/polym6010132. ↩︎

57. Schilling et al., “Beyond the Basics,” table 1. ↩︎

58. Hirase and Hasegawa, Nihon sankai vol. 3, pl. 12. ↩︎

59. Personal communication with Suzanne Ross and Shioyasu Shikki Kobo, Wajima, 19 May 2023, Yoshimi Kamiya, Kanazawa, 18 May 2023; Miho Kitagawa, Nagoya, 12 May 2023. ↩︎

60. Mehmet Musa Özcan, Cesari İman, and Derya Arslan,”Physicochemical Properties, Fatty Acid and Mineral Content of Some Walnuts (Juglans Regia L.) Types,” Agricultural Sciences 1, no. 2 (2010): 62–67, https://doi.org/10.4236/as.2010.12009. ↩︎

61. Takayuki Honda, “Scientific Analysis of Coating Materials in Heritage: From the Perspective of Analytical Science,” in Studies on the Restoration of Coating and Polychromy on Heritage Architecture, ed. Marina Kunimoto and Hozon Kagaku Kenkyū Sentā (Tokyo: Tokyo National Research Institute for Cultural Properties, 2017), 46–64; Lu, Honda, and Miyakoshi, Lacquer Chemistry, 3, https://doi.org/10.1016/C2014-0-04817-4; Hye Hyan Yu et al., “Quantitative Analysis of Blended Asian Lacquers Using ToF-SIMS, Py-GC/MS and HPLC,” Polymers 13, no. 1 (2021): 97, https://doi.org/10.3390/polym13010097. Vietnamese lacquer known as Annan Urushi is produced near Dong Kinh (Tonkin) and imported to Japan. During the Asia-Pacific War, the Japanese government unsuccessfully tried to plant T. vernicifluum in Taiwan but planted the Vietnamese T. succedanea instead. Laccol, the main component of Vietnamese lacquer, was first identified by G. Bertrand at the end of the nineteenth century, then Majima Toshiyuki corrected the description of the main component and stated its molecular composition at the beginning of the twentieth century. ↩︎

62. Urushi Nation Joboj (see note 39). ↩︎

63. Thunberg, Flora iaponica; Itō, Taisei Honzō Meiso Flora Japonica, 35. ↩︎

64. Heckmann, Japanese Lacquer Technology, 32; Honda et al. “Identification of Ryukyu Lacquerwares”; Prendergast et al., Lacquer Legacy at Kew, 60. ↩︎

65. Brunskog and Miyakoshi, “Colourful Past”; Takayuki Honda et al., “Investigation of Ryukyu Lacquerwares by Pyrolysis-Gas Chromatography/Mass Spectrometry,” Journal of Analytical and Applied Pyrolysis 113 (May 2015): 41–45, https://doi.org/10.1016/J.JAAP.2014.09.026. ↩︎

66. Heckmann, Japanese Lacquer Technology, 32. ↩︎

67. Maria Brunskog and Tetsuo Miyakoshi, “A Significant Japanese Coffer: A Multi-Disciplinary Approach to Examining Late Sixteenth–Early Seventeen-Century Export Urushi Ware,” Studies in Conservation, no. 1 (March 2021): 1–13, https://doi.org/10.1080/00393630.2021.1902142; Brunskog and Miyakoshi, “Colourful Past”; Idei et al., “Analysis of Sakhalin-Ainu Lacquerwares”; Shin Tsuge, Hajima Ohtani, and Chuichi Watanabe, Pyrolysis-GC/MS Data Book of Synthetic Polymers: Pyrograms, Thermograms and MS of Pyrolyzates (Tokyo: Elsevier Science, 2011), 346–49. ↩︎

68. JIS K 5950:1979 Refined rhus lacquer. Standard issued by Japan Standards Association (March 31, 1979), 137. ↩︎

69. Prendergast et al., Lacquer Legacy at Kew, 60. ↩︎

70. Personal communication, Miho Kitagawa, Nagoya, 29 September 2023. ↩︎

71. Heckmann, Japanese Lacquer Technology, 19. ↩︎

72. See note 72. ↩︎

73. Matsuda, Book of Urushi, 122–31. ↩︎

74. Shaney Rivers, “Conservation of Japanese Lacquer in Western Collections: Conserving Meaning and Substance,” in ICOM Committee for Conservation 14th Triennial Meeting, The Hague, 12–16 September 2005, 2:1083–86 (published online by James & James/Earthscan, 2005); Shaney Rivers et al., “The Chemistry of East Asian Lacquer: A Review of the Scientific Literature,” Reviews in Conservation 8 (2007): 63. ↩︎

75. See also Thunberg, Inträdes-Tal, 8. ↩︎

76. Carlotta, entry 1900-35-0023. ↩︎

77. Hirase and Hasegawa, Nihon sankai 3. ↩︎

78. Urushi Nation Joboji (see note 39). ↩︎

79. Svensk farmaceutisk tidskrift, vol. 16 (Stockholm: Svenska Tryckeriaktiebolaget, 1912), 207. ↩︎

80. Heckmann, Japanese Lacquer Technology, 18–20; Michael R. Schilling et al., “Beyond the Basics: A Systematic Approach for Comprehensive Analysis of Organic Materials in Asian Lacquers,” Studies in Conservation 61, sup. 3 (2016): 3–27, https://doi.org/10.1080/00393630.2016.1230978. ↩︎

81. 1 ri = 3.927 km. ↩︎

82. Hirase and Hasegawa, Nihon Sankai, 3: pl. 1. ↩︎

83. Masaki Hayashi, email correspondence to the authors, 14–17 March 2022. ↩︎

84. See note 83. ↩︎

85. Skuncke, Carl Peter Thunberg, 37. ↩︎

86. See also Kijewski, “Japanese Character,” 162. ↩︎

87. Arlen Heginbotham and Michael Schilling, “New Evidence for the Use of Southeast Asian Raw Materials in Seventeenth-Century Japanese Export Lacquer,” in East Asian Lacquer: Material Culture, Science and Conservation, ed. Shayne Rivers, Rupert Faulkner, and Boris Pretzel (London: Archetype, 2011). ↩︎

88. Single data can be an exceptional case, but many data pointing in the same direction can be interpreted as a tendency. When data from different sources point in the same direction, conclusions are better supported and more thoroughly underpinned. It is analogous to the accuracy and precision of methods with a bigger sample size in chemical analysis compared to a smaller sample. The more minute the sample, the more crucial the sample composition becomes, and the risk for mismatch with the substances in a specimen, since heterogeneous specimens are the rule. With a larger sample, samples collected from the best or several locations, the risk of not covering all substances in a specimen decreases. Thus, a true value is more likely. Precision is high when the sample is analysed twice or more with different methods, and the same result is achieved. Since the manuscript’s focus is not method development, further discussion of the issue above is out of scope. ↩︎